Madhya Pradesh Elections: Why are not troubled by the anger of the upper caste, Shivraj

During my journey from Indore to Bhopal, I got a lesson to open the eyes of politics and sociology. I had taken an Innova car for the trip and the lesson was given to me by the driver of the train, Roop Singh. Roop Singh told me a deep and fine talk That talk helped me to see the current election in the new light, and also came to know that the journalists who are still on the journey could not guess precisely about the elections.

A common understanding among the pundits of political science has come to the fore that Shivraj Singh has come to play his innings on a big patchwork pitch. One of the reasons for this is that the traditional supporters of the BJP are angry that the upper castes are angry with the party. It is being argued behind the resentment of the upper castes that Shivraj Singh Chauhan has shown a slight inclination towards the Dalits and other backward castes.

I asked the same thing as Roop Singh in the form of the question. The answer came from Khat, ‘Look, Sir, it is such that the front castes are like frogs on the scales of scales. He keeps jumping on the other side from the other side, so that the balance of the scales can never be realized.

In fact, Roop Singh had used an idiom to say his word, or to say that he had a colorful lip on his mind. The phrase is that it is impossible to weigh frogs on the scales. Roop Singh said to the need to explain his point, ‘I do not know which caste you belong to. I am Thakur and believe that you are also Thakur. But what is the similarity between us and you? ‘ Roop Singh said in a query formative manner. If he had left an unspoken part of what he wanted to say, then his point would be revealed: ‘Then why do you expect that I too will vote for you?’

Roop Singh was right. If I were Thakur, which I am not, then no matter what among us it does not match. In fact, Roop Singh had explained to me with an idiom that why anyone should not run the caste as a single group in the urban areas of India. Here is the meaning of the Ekasar group – a group that takes on accounting, living, living and vote on the same path.

Everyone in the urban areas lives according to their color and ambience; in this environment, caste differences on caste parallels are more heavier. Roop Singh had the vision that a part of the wealthy front castes would try to create a disadvantage of habitual political equilibrium in the self-interest like the frog of scales. ‘Compare this with Muslims of this incident, they will see you sitting on the same side.’

Roop Singh is a supporter of BJP. But one thing was important in their formulation that it contained acceptance of the communal divisions present in the interior. The BJP’s organization in the state is in a very tight condition. So Hindutva has made the deep penetration in the political environment of the state. It is not unreasonable that the top level leaders of the Congress are also running from Datia Pitambar Peeth to Ujjain’s Mahakal Mandir and there is a competition to take Lord’s blessing in them. Rahul Gandhi is the leader of this subdivision, it is an excuse that the Hindu-friendly image of the party will be established with the help of this provision.
But this idea seems to be very far and late, as well as a lot of worries and dizziness. If you talked about the times gone, there was a period when the Congress was considered to be far more Hindu-friendly than the Bharatiya Jana Sangh. Dwarka Prasad Mishra was Chief Minister during the period of 1963-67, for that time, it seems to be even more familiar. Even during the Indira Gandhi era, the Hindus did not see the Hindus with suspicion, although then there was a great penetration in the RSS-BJS province.

During the second phase of Digvijay Singh’s (1998-2003) chief minister post, the situation changed over. At the same time, he adopted a bodice of secularism which was considered to be a combination of appeasement of minorities. The Congress was convinced that the camp of Hindutva is considered as favored of the upper castes, so the marginalized group of marginalized groups will not go to the camp of Hindutva, and it was a big mistake of the Congress to believe it.

Digvijay Singh had prevented the BJP’s growing steps in 1998 from its greatest success. At that time, he took the attitude of favoring the poor and joined the margins of the marginalized group party. But on this strategy, they have trusted a little bit more, and doing so proved to be a loss deal in 2003. Then the slogan ‘Lightning, road and water’ was speaking on people’s tongues. Although the BJP introduced Uma Bharati as the candidate of the Chief Minister, the party did not ride on the agenda of Hindutva. The BJP then promised to provide basic facilities to woo voters. Since then, Congress has not been able to secure its foot in the elections of the state.
And, even though political situations seem to be helpful in the province, but this time there is no such hope that the Congress will retain their feet on electoral grounds. There is no need to take more precautions to understand the reason. The government of Shivraj Singh Chauhan has tried to solve the problem of rural crisis and spent it open to social development. For instance, the government of the province purchased 600 million rupees of onions to overcome the crisis.

One such example is of the Bharatvanti scheme. If the price running in the market and declared